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. Exact Dating of the Exodus and Birth and Crucifixion of Jesus |
The Wars Of The Jews - Book I
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SEVEN YEARS
FROM THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, TO THE DEATH
OF HEROD THE GREAT
CHAPTER 1
HOW THE CITY JERUSALEM WAS TAKEN, AND THE TEMPLE PILLAGED [BY ANTIOCHUS
EPIPHANES]. AS ALSO CONCERNING THE ACTIONS OF THE MACCABEES,
MATTHIAS AND JUDAS;
AND CONCERNING THE DEATH OF JUDAS
1. AT the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple (1) concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.
2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking
the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he
had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and
remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he
compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to
keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh
upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the
most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides
also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands,
joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all
sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of
the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every
day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers
by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge
themselves.
3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests
who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together
with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew
Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the
many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so
many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to
come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's
generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea.
So he came to the government by this his success, and became the
prince of his own people by their own free consent, and
then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.
4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered
an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that
made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes
out of the country when he had made a second expedition
into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there; and when he
was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the
garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto;
so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers
into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He
then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole
place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred
ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the
former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and
began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already
received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son
Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to
the Jews also.
5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five
thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched
through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura,
which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharis,
where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. However,
before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother
Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a
large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him,
and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great
way before his own army, and cutting his way through the
enemy's troops, he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach
him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so
high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and
brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death,
having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that
he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the
elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus,
Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke
than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare
hope of thereby doing a glorious action; nay, this
disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire
battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out
bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being superior in
number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory.
And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest
with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus
went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted
provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison
behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but
drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in
Syria.
6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many
of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that
had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to
Antiochus's generals at a village called Adasa; and being too
hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of
them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days
afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's
party, and was slain by them.
CHAPTER 2.
CONCERNING THE SUCCESSORS OF JUDAS, WHO WERE JONATHAN
AND SIMON, AND JOHN
HYRCANUS.
1. WHEN Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved
himself with great circumspection in other respects,
with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority
by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made
a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient
for his security; for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to
Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored
to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as
he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his
company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition
against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon,
who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his
defeat, he put Jonathan to death.
2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner,
and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which
were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under,
and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to
Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went
on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he
make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him
in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent
Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue
Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted
the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons
with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took
part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another
quarter. He also laid a great many men in ambush in many
places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon
them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a
manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the
dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and
seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].
3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at
a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two
sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also
called Hyrcanus. (2) But when the young man was informed
of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as
having a very great confidence in the people there, both on
account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and
of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy.
Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate;
but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted
of Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that
were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when
Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had
held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great
haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother
and brethren.
4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy
in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just
affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed,
he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them
upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and
threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he
would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's commiseration
and concern were too hard for his anger. But his
mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor
at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out
her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries
that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better
to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided
he might be punished for the injuries he done to their family.
Now John's case was this: When he considered the courage of his
mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but
when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he
grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And
as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on,
upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on
every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from
being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their
mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant
of Philadelphia.
5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon,
that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down
before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the
sepulcher of David, who was the richest of all kings, and
took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus,
by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise
the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money
enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition
against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an
opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack
upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be
the case with them, that he should find them empty of god troops.
So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their
neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these,
[he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round
about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at
Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with
Adoreon and Marissa.
7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste,
which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed
it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus,
over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so
far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what
never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was
called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got
ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by
Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis
by these brethren, and fled away from them. So
they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within
the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished
it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great
success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to
cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an
incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay
within Mount Carmel.
8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be
envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many
there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they
brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So
John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the
government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for
thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind
him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no
occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He
it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in
the world, - the government of his nation, and the high priesthood,
and the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him,
and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward;
insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest
sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly
deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and
how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity.
CHAPTER 3.
HOW ARISTOBULUS WAS THE FIRST THAT PUT A DIADEM ABOUT HIS HEAD;
AND AFTER HE HAD
PUT HIS MOTHER AND BROTHER TO DEATH, DIED HIMSELF, WHEN HE
HAD REIGNED NO MORE
THAN A YEAR.
1. FOR after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus,
changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first
that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years
and three months after our people came down into this
country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now,
of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for
Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for
the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put
his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him;
for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He
also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be
pined to death in prison.
2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus,
whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the
kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill
men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed,
Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection
he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that
a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters:
however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from
the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make
tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that
Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast,
Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this
when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in
a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother.
Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king,
and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came,
and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence
was too great for a private person, and that
accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for
that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor,
when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.
3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these
accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover
his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any
accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain
dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly
the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to
Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they
should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they
should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that
he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the
queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted
his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the
king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard
he had got a very the suit of armor made with fine martial
ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered
him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much
desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little
time thou art going away from me.
4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother
not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came
along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he
was going along that dark passage which was called Strato's
Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance
how calumny destroys all good-will and natural
affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough
to resist envy perpetually.
5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion.
He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or
deceived men in his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus
as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to
his acquaintance, (they were not a few who attended upon him as
his scholars,) "O strange!" said he, "it is good for me to die
now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold
hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive,
who ought to hare died this day; and the place where he ought to
be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower,
which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place;
and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of
time renders the prediction impossible to be fill filled." And when
the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so
continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus was slain
in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's
Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side;
and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's
disorder.
6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty
of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his
distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly
disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his
very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was
under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And as one of
those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by
some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very
place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the
murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had
been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose
among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the
blood on purpose in that place; and as the king heard that cry,
he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell
him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the
matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and
forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears,
and groaned, and said, "So I perceive I am not like to
escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have
committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman
pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou
retain a soul that ought to die on account of that
punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain!
How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them
take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed
by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon as he
had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no
longer than a year.
CHAPTER 4.
WHAT ACTIONS WERE DONE BY ALEXANDER JANNEUS, WHO REIGNED TWENTY-SEVEN YEARS.
1. AND now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander
king, who appeared both elder in age, and more
moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government,
slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern
himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a
quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.
2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy,
who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city
Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory
rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was
pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander
besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus,
which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan,
and therein were the most precious of all the possessions
of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodopus marched against
him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the
king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander
recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the
maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which
was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.
3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities,
the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a
festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and
it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had
laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and
Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted
them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity
against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than
six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and
when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadires
and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned
to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great
success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.
4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who
had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against
him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep
valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels.
And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude,
which hated him before, to make an insurrection
against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity
that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them;
and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew
not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six
years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since
he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off
fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by
talking with his subjects. But this mutability and irregularity of
his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them
why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to
appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be
then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done
such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same
time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to
assist them; and as he readily complied with their requests, in
hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews
joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.
5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen,
and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot.
He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to
the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three
thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they
joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and
endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt;
while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries
to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with
Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would
leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came
to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In
which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries
showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and
body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what
was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that
invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he
was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the
change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains,
came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn
of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match
for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run
to him, he left the country, and went his way.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside
their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone;
but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain
the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city
Berneselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the
captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so
extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety;
for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon
crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives
and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw
as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which
so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight
thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all
Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death;
so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he,
by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting
any more.
7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become
an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of
Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidse. (3) Alexander
was afraid of him, when he was marching against the
Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was
near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected
a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order
to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to
exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches,
and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon
taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as
a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the
Arabians, whose king retired into such parts of the country as were
fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made
his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell
upon Antiochus's army while they were in disorder, and a
terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive,
fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among
them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront,
in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave
ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either
in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the
village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want
of necessaries, a few only excepted.
8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their
hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to
take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also
made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in
battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander,
when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of
the covetous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions; and when
he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the
place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what
was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took
the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor
therein, of what he had, on account of the many
crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he
had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was
kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had.
So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper;
for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by
exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this
distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times,
and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was
able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore,
in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and
twenty years.
CHAPTER 5.
ALEXANDRA REIGNS NINE YEARS, DURING WHICH TIME
THE PHARISEES WERE THE REAL
RULERS OF THE NATION.
1. NOW Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended
upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit
to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had
treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their
laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he
mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the
dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she
chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast
those men out of the government that offended against their holy
laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made
Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also,
besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing
him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus,
with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his
temper.
2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her
in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that
appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws
more accurately. low Alexandra hearkened to them to an
extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards
God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves
into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real
administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced
whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure;
(4) and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the
royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it
belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the
management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers
together; so that she increased the army the one half, and
procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became
not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign
potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed
her.
3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure,
and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused
him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying
the eight hundred men [before mentioned.] They also prevailed
with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated
him against them. Now she was so superstitious as to comply
with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased
themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled
to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account
of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless
she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished,
and were dispersed all over the country. But when
Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy
was always oppressing that city, she got possession of
it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed
with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops
about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, (5) by agreements and presents,
to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from
the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon
Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.
4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger
son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of
which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on
account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all
the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them
to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made
himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his
mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's
wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that
joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have
already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the
name of Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the
other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and
these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra
died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his
brother, after she had reigned nine years.
CHAPTER 6.
WHEN HYRCANUS WHO WAS ALEXANDER'S HEIR, RECEDED FROM HIS CLAIM
TO THE CROWN
ARISTOBULUS IS MADE KING; AND AFTERWARD THE SAME
HYRCANUS BY THE MEANS OF
ANTIPATER, IS BROUGHT BACK BY ABETAS. AT LAST POMPEY IS MADE
THE ARBITRATOR OF THE
DISPUTE BETWEEN THE BROTHERS.
1. NOW Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother
commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior
to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between
them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near
Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus;
but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid
with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that
might he for his preservation (which were Aristobulus's wife,
with her children); but they came to an agreement before things
should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and
Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities,
as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled
to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very
kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they
also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace,
and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus.
2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus
were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government;
and especially this concerned Antipater (6) whom Aristobulus hated
of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the
principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches,
and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded
Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim
to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive
Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great
reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave
great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive
him, and told him how becoming a filing it would be for him,
who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as
are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by
being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative
of his birth. And when he had predisposed them
both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and
ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with
great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is
the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into
Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon
him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him
an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted
of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which
Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in
his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been
taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not
come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege.
This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great,
when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to
Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and
caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how
the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain
booty.
3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came
ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring
his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more
weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when
Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians,
and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans
and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was
terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did
Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus satisfied
with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but gathered all his
forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place
called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and,
together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes
from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their
adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was
come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and,
without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they
had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent
behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom
it justly belonged, both on account of his good character
and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus
wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the
bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and
adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty
that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in
such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own
ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed
from Diospolis.
5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also
and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he
took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries,
and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed
by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter
into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the
Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium,
which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost
magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to
him, and commanded him to come down. Now his inclination
was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such
an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call.
However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends
exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was,
and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and
came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long
apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking
the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother
invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about
the justice of it, and then went away without any
hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when
he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow
him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel,
it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low.
However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and
forced him to write to every one of their governors to
yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no
letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he
did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what
was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight
with Pompey.
6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for
a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged
to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which
he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful
country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees (7) besides
the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp
stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops
down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one
night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus
was so aftrighted at his approach, that he came and
met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and
that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his
disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not
he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for
Aristobulus's party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the
city, who was sent to receive the money that he had
promised.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW POMPEY HAD THE CITY OF JERUSALEM DELIVERED UP TO HIM BUT
TOOK THE TEMPLE BY
FORCE. HOW HE WENT INTO THE HOLY OF HOLIES; AS ALSO WHAT
WERE HIS OTHER EXPLOITS
IN JUDEA.
1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus
into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked
about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were
so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the
valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which
was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong
wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, that temple would be
a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.
2. Now as be was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition
arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party
being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while
the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the
dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous
party, when they looked upon the excellent order the
Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and
retired into the temple, and cut off the communication
between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that
joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition
to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the
city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent
Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army,
who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not
persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to
terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were
round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's
party very ready to afford them both counsel and
assistance.
3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was oil the north
side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being
obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was
a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense
depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel
them from their superior situation; nor had the Romans
succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the
seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of
work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained
his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted
defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up
the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and
brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the
wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones
beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the
towers on this side of the city made very great resistance,
and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.
4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans
underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the
other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they
did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were
encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in
full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every
branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with
the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was
actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did
they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were
appointed by their law; for it was in the third month of the siege
before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow
one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of
all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son
of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius;
and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his
own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some
of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and
others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.
5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies
assailing them with swords in their hands, without any
disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while
they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their
incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before
their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain
by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable
multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some
there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties
they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that
were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of
the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very
few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.
6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the
calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which
had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers;
for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the
temple itself (8) whither it was not lawful for any to enter but
the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the
candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels,
and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great
quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of
sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing
else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about
the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to
cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover,
he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other
respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege,
but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that
was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were
otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted
the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more
by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the Captives,
Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so
those that were the most guilty he punished with decollatlon;
but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely,
with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the
country, and upon Jerusalem itself.
7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had
formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made
them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman
president there; and reduced Judea within its proper
bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, (9) that had been demolished by
the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of
Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities
free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the
country, such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time;
Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and
Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and
in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and
Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower,
but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent
edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod. All
which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under
the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and
the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to
Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him;
while he made all the haste he could himself to go through
Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children
along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and
two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going;
but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were
carried to Rome.
CHAPTER 8.
ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS,
WHO RAN AWAY FROM POMPEY, MAKES AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST HYRCANUS; BUT BEING OVERCOME BY GABINIUS
HE DELIVERS UP THE
FORTRESSES TO HIM. AFTER THIS ARISTOBULUS ESCAPES FROM ROME
AND GATHERS AN ARMY
TOGETHER; BUT BEING BEATEN BY THE ROMANS, HE IS BROUGHT BACK TO
ROME; WITH OTHER
THINGS RELATING TO GABINIUS, CRASSUS AND CASSIUS.
1. IN the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but
was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra.
However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there
he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with
famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some
assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of
Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted
with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his
peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him
three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army
out of Arabia (10)
2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from
Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men
together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was
likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to
Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown
down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as
successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many
other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander;
who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together
a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen,
and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places;
Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Machorus, that lay
upon the mountains of Arabia.
3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed
himself with his whole army; but for the select body of
soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under
the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined
themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and
met Alexander; to which body came Oabinius with his
main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain
the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined,
he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced
to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three
thousand of which fell down dead, and three thousand were taken
alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.
4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a
great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising
them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over
to him before it came to a fight; but when they would
hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of
them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel.
Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle,
who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never
show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the
citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not
been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly,
upon his injunctions, the following cities were
restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia,
and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and Adoreus, and
Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men
readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium,
and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander
despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors
to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him
in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus,
as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards; all
which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother,
that they might not be receptacles of men in a second
war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her
concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which
were her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the
temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be
by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five
conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara,
that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho,
and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee.
So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical
government, and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.
6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances.
He fled away from Rome, and got together again many
of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an
affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium
in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as
soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Siscuria, and
Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus.
And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed
them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the
number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus,
who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus
with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him,
and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time
fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the
Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about two
thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that
remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army, and marched
together to Macherus; and when the king had lodged
the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another
army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he
fortified that strong hold, though it was done after a poor manner.
But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond
his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner
to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away
together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to
Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under
confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius
informed them by letters that he had promised
Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses
up to him.
7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians,
he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return
from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus
and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary
for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and
weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the
Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let
them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part
of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought
the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a
very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were
in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, (for he was come
back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these
tumults,) and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some
of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued
with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also;
accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him;
and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand
of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves,
and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and
settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched,
and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates
and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthin, he sent them away privately,
but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.
8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria.
He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the
temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition
against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand
talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over
Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him;
concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more
largely].
9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who
were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into
that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he
made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking
Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also
slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of
Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now
this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the
Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by
her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king,
and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose
name was Salome. Now as he made himself friends
among the men of power every where, by the kind offices he did them,
and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did
he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by
marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with
Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when
Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be
quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians
from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak
elsewhere. (11)
CHAPTER 9.
ARISTOBULUS IS TAKEN OFF BY POMPEY'S FRIENDS,
AS IS HIS SON ALEXANDER BY SCIPIO.
ANTIPATER CULTIVATES A FRIENDSHIP WITH CAESAR,
AFTER POMPEY'S DEATH; HE ALSO
PERFORMS GREAT ACTIONS IN THAT
WAR, WHEREIN HE ASSISTED MITHRIDATES.
1. NOW, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian
Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his
power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed
two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as
hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country,
and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect
of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken
off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party; and,
for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him
in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground],
preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in
order to be buried in the royal sepulchers.
2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Sci-pio at Antioch, and
that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation
laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done
to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was
then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by
sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, who took
Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's wife,
and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the
younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his
father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain
his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of
which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and
sister.
3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated
a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of
Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from
the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at
Asealon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to
assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three
thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria
to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of
Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means
the cities of that country came readily into this war;
insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional
strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march
forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through
it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place
Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that
part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of
all into the city, with the men that were about him.
4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on,
those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the
country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade
them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their
army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight
against them, but of their own accord joined
Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the
rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay,
when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater
wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to
him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left
wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued
Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder
so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more
than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit
that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was
also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness
to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.
5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous
enterprises for him, and that by giving him great
commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily
exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most
courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body,
as demonstrations of his valor. And when Caesar had
settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again,
he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from
taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and
marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account
it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
CHAPTER 10.
CAESAR MAKES ANTIPATER PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; AS DOES ANTIPATER
APPOINT PHASAELUS
TO BE GOVERNOR OF JERUSALEM, AND HEROD GOVERNOR OF GALILEE;
WHO, IN SOME TIME,
WAS CALLED TO ANSWER FOR HIMSELF [BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM],
WHERE HE IS ACQUITTED.
SEXTUS CAESAR IS TREACHEROUSLY KILLED BY BASSUS
AND IS SUCCEEDED BY MARCUS.
1. ABOUT this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the
occasion of Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought
to have lamented that his father appeared to have been
poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained
of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to
mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those
things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus
and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely
out of their native country, and had acted in a great many
instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation;
and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it
was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were
in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for
their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.
2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude
of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his
good-will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his
body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself; that he
wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other
than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive,
and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations
and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men
before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages
to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was
suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing
public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but
because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition
among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the
Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy
of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to
choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination
of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he
was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover,
to rebuild (12) those walls of his country that had been
thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved
in the Capitol, that they might stand there as
indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.
4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he
returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild
that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown,
and then to go over the country, and to quiet the
tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly
advised, every one, and told them that in case they would
submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy
what they possessed, and that with universal peace and
quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid
hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some
gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their
procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king;
and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers;
for that they would not suffer him to be removed from
the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the same
time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the
country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and
not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he
constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and
of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who
was very young, (13) with equal authority into Galilee.
5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for
his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found
that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring
parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and
slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was
chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were
sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities,
as having procured their quietness, and having preserved
what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted
with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar,
and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions
excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured
the good-will of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management
of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any
disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid
Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the
honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute
lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or
fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity;
for the glory of these young men affected even
Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it
to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the
great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before
another, and informed him of the great reputation he got
in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal
palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who
were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young
men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing
the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons,
he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without
any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far
mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest;
for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any
longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him
out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so
many men without his giving him any command to do it, either
by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to
the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but
a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to
him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one
to be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.
7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses,
and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned
Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and
as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came
up to [Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee;
however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many
indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to
overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to
expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus
Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be
taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some
to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit
Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly,
as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved
Herod.
8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the
consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and
got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon
him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed
irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger,
and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king
believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his
antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since
Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar,
he was formidable, not only from the good-will which
the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that
Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and
expected he would presently march against him with his army.
9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his
army together, out of the anger he bare him for his
threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it
to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his
kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother
had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and
this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening
and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he
had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not
to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to
be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what
was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his
deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator
of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than
an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to
be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight
against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his
benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any
otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this
no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So
Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what
he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes,
and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.
10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about
Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous
slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated
out of his good-will to Pompey; he also took the
authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar's commanders
attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him
for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by
his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on
account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their
friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length,
Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.
CHAPTER 11.
HEROD IS MADE PROCURATOR OF ALL SYRIA; MALICHUS
IS AFRAID OF HIM, AND TAKES
ANTIPATER OFF BY POISON; WHEREUPON THE TRIBUNES OF
THE SOLDIERS ARE PREVAILED
WITH TO KILL HIM.
1. THERE, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon
the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by
Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years
and seven months. (14) Upon this murder there were very
great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference
one with another, and every one betook himself to that party
where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves.
Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to
receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation
between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which
were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and
took upon him the command of the army, and went about
exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such
a degree as they were not able to bear.
2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred
talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's
threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among
others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and
among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him,
to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now
Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by
bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on
which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he
reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities
themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others
of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill
Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his
tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the
other cities, and got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred
talents immediately. (15)
3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that
Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against
him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way,
who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater
was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he
went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself
against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in
his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for
he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem,
and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war,
and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to
procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he
preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president
of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on
account of his attempts for innovation.
4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the
younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other,
Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because
Herod was likely to have a great share in providing
necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave
him an army of foot and horse. Cassius premised him also,
that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But
it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became
the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this,
he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a
poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's
wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other
respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered
the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.
5. However, Malichus, when lie was suspected ef poisoning Antipater,
and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied
it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared
to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not
suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with
an army presently, in order to revenge his father's death;
but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish
him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a
sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that
he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous
funeral for his father.
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled
the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival,
he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon
Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his
reproach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves
with the people of the country while they were purifying
themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that
command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus
came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe
[he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had
much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself
bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who,
on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back
that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and
privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they
should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.
7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of
power were gotten together from all quarters, with
presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for
the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that,
and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from
among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got
ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping
excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he
should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius
was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should
easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.
8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he
was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him
to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood
by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things
ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about
the plot that was laid against him; accordingly they called to
mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city
with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where
they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many
wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately aftrighted,
till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and
it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked
who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes
replied that it was done by the command of Cassius," Then,"
said he, "Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting
off one that was laying plots against them both." Whether he
spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such
that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so,
is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment
upon Malichus.
CHAPTER 12.
PHASAELUS IS TOO HARD FOR FELIX; HEROD ALSO OVERCOMES ANTIGONUS
IN RATTLE; AND
THE JEWS ACCUSE BOTH HEROD AND PHASAELUS BUT ANTONIUS ACQUITS
THEM, AND MAKES
THEM TETRARCHS.
1. WHEN Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at
Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army,
that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling
upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with
Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's
assistance, he was detained by sickness; in the mean
time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached
Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what
assistance he had afforded Maliehus, and for overlooking Malichus's
brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for
he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest
of them all, Masada.
2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force
of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other
fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of
a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the
Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of
three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had
caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents
to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured
good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion
had indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who
set tyrants over all Syria (16) and out of hatred to Herod it was
that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and
principally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant
by money, and had him accordingly on his side when
he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus,
that supplied all that he wanted.
3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he
was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus,
and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious
action he had done; for those who did not before favor him
did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the
family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out
of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of
whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne,
the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter
of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of
the king.
4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and
Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst
the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia,
the great men of the Jews came also, and accused
Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and
that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod
appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony
his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him,
he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak
against him; and thus did they part at this time.
5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men
among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was
already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews
put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and
eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren. (17) But Messala
opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while
Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. When
Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party
was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party
were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been
formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father
Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he
constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government
of Judea.
6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony
took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom
he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away
with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at
Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where
Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem;
upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre,
and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of
them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made
tetrarchs.
7. But before this Herod, and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore,
and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they
would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native
country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still
more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many,
and wounded more of them; of whom those that were
slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the
care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had
escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such
disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he
had in bonds also.
CHAPTER 13.
THE PARTHIANS BRING ANTIGONUS BACK INTO JUDEA, AND CAST HYRCANUS
AND PHASAELUS
INTO PRISON. THE FLIGHT OF HEROD, AND THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM
AND WHAT HYRCANUS
AND PHASAELUS SUFFERED.
1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the
Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed
themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon
the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in
the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by
a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to
bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of
it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and
marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall
upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of
the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive
Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had
received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain
cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name
[Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to
learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help
Antigonus when he should want his assistance.
2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together
to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to
make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into
that place called Drymus, [the woodland (18) ] to seize upon
the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they
drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after
them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded
as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and
Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened
a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat
the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in
the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that
were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men;
while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew
many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other
by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters
were made continually among them.
3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all
the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a
multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which
were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time
Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal
palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies,
as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city,
he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight;
and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the
outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that
Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus
was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the
city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable
manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in
reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he laid a plot for
Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to
Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod
was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him
to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had
laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious.
However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might
be the less suspected; he also (19) left some of the
horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus
with the rest.
4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people
of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who
came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal
his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them;
accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they
went away, laid ambushes for them; and when they were
come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived
that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed
of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted
the greatest number of the women that were there with
them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived
that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians
in the night time; they had also been seized on before this, unless
they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem,
because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he
would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they
saw the guards already not far off them.
5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away,
although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this
man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the
richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the
Parfilian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this
treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done
it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money
for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to
give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove
all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to
the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who
were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and
Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and
their perjury.
6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot
how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him
out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected
the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received
intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters
that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the
enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very
positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers
that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them,
and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots
upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from
others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra (20) the
shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him
that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those
barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.
7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might
bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not
possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking
him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the
persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this
without their enemies being apprized of it. But as soon as the
Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave
orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who
was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother,
to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants,
took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when
at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to
the strong hold of Masada.
8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon
him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles
perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from
the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular
battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great
number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in
memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the
most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications,
and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in
their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at
a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and
advised him to ease himself of a great number of his
followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude,
which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this
advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that
they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for
their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest
relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers;
and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard
for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he
made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering,
and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and
upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money,
which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on
other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod
having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness
of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid
among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one
belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians
proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country
with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa,
and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver
Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his. hands, in order to their
being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off
Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees
to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of
affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests
that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.
10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason
of his courage; for though he neither had the command
of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing
his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be
Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and
died with great bravery, and made the end of his life
agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about
his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a
surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound
with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of
these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is
also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain
poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he
said thereupon, "I now die with comfort, since I leave
behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies."
11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although
they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they
put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and
took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to
Parthia.
CHAPTER 14.
WHEN HEROD IS REJECTED IN ARABIA, HE MAKES HASTE
TO ROME WHERE ANTONY AND
CAESAR JOIN THEIR INTEREST TO MAKE HIM KING .
1. NOW Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia,
as making haste to get money of the king, while his
brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped
to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to
spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself,: - that if the
Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with
him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however
borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and
put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed.
Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him,
who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three
hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the
intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate
had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was
dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not
able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for
their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him
to return back out of his country, and used the name of the
Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced
to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia;
while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to
Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for
the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent
advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to
deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these
men were the most potent of all whom he had in his
kingdom.
2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and
this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would
have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as
his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for
Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of
that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind;
but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura,
that his brother was dead, and how he came by his
death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances
could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and
proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of
Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away
messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come
to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from
those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to
let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to
the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria;
and when he came into the city, he was received by
Cleopatra with great splendor, who hoped he might be persuaded to
be commander of her forces in the expedition she was
now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being
neither aftrighted at the height of that storm which. then
happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for
Rome.
3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out
the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe
to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war
with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy
and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted
up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein
he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, (21) and went thence to
Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on
account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before
him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left
his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to
him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.
4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had
been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his
calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater,
but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he
then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself
formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with
Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than
the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon
Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and
as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than
Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together
with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met
with from him, and the entire good-will he had showed to him; besides
the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called
the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus,
produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the
merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the
same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy,
not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now
overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the
means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate;
at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was
for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king;
so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was
separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them;
while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went
before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree
in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first
day of his reign.
CHAPTER 15.
ANTIGONUS BESIEGES THOSE THAT
WERE IN MASADA, WHOM HEROD FREES FROM
CONFINEMENT WHEN HE CAME BACK FROM ROME, AND PRESENTLY MARCHES
TO JERUSALEM
WHERE HE FINDS SILO CORRUPTED BY BRIBES.
1. NOW during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada,
who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity,
but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother,
was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two
hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented
of his offenses with regard to Herod; and he had
been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already,
unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had
fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full
of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away.
After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's
party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles,
and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their
attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away.
2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of
Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he
had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist
Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus;,
and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon
as he had got money enough, he went away with the
greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some
part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of
bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped
that the Parthians would come again to his assistance,
and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean
time, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.
3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to
Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small
army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through
Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by
Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius, (22) a person sent by Antony,
persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now
Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances
which had happened by means of the Parthians, as
was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given
him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the
number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all
Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So
he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise,
and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from
the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered
his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city
first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to
Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power
behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible
occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and
when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,]
Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of
his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was
in distress.
4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to
free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in
to him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation
he had already gained himself, and some in order to
repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what
engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from
him when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had
gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But
Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he
did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily
recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the
fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the
soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did
many out of the city, from a dread of his power.
5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city,
the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their
darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those
in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to
be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people
and the preservation of the city, without any design to be
revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though
they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the
soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did
neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to
change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat
the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their
darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.
6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for
he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of
necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves
food, and to demand that he would lead them into places
convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about
the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army,
which had ta